Emma Brown Malone: A Mother of Feminism?

Introduction

 

One consequence of the rise of Evangelical Quakerism in the Americas in the later 19th and early 20th centuries was a rebirth of evangelism. Early English Quakers went as “Messengers of Truth” to convert Britain, the colonies, and foreign lands. Evangelical Friends, especially in Ohio, Indiana, North Carolina, Kansas, Iowa, California and Oregon, shared a similar passion for missions, while assuming less pretentious labels. They were merely “Christian workers” or “soul- winners.”

 

Evangelicals spread their brand of Quakerism in urban slums, as well as in Africa, Asia, Central and South America. While sometimes opposed by competing factions within the Society of Friends, these Bibliocentric revivalistic Friends were positioning themselves, through outreach or evangelism, to become the largest form of Quakerism, at least outside the British Isles.

 

Many “Workers” became recorded ministers. Many Quaker ministers, with like-minded Evangelicals, were schooled at Bible Colleges or Training Schools. For Evangelical Friends, the most successful Bible College was the Christian Workers Training School in Cleveland, which was co-founded in 1892 by J[ohn] Walter and Emma Brown Malone.

 

This article identifies four seminal influences on Emma Brown Malone, explains the place of Bible Colleges in equipping women for ministry, gives attention to Emma’s work as an educator of women and looks at what she and these early Evangelical Friends had to do with gender issues. Finally, it responds to the claim of Margaret Hope Bacon that Mrs. Malone was a “mother of feminism”1 with “no” and “yes.”

 

Influences

Four influences—Quaker traditions in regard to women in ministry, later 19th century Holiness, revivalistic Evangelicalism of Dwight L. Moody, Cleveland’s Evangelical Quakers—helped shape the religion of Emma Brown Malone. Together, these four factors also help to explain the prominence of women in early Evangelical Quakerism.

 

QUAKERISM: To borrow Thomas Hamm’s word, Quakerism in 19th century America underwent a “transformation.” Friends split over theology. Cultural assimilation accelerated as many, at least in the Midwest, left guarded Quaker communities to live in cities. In short order, many discarded plain dress, plain speech, silent meetings, etc., and their children attended public schools.

 

Radical change also took place in Emma’s family. In spite of her unbroken Quaker ancestry—which reached back eight generations to the first decade of English Friends,2 and relatives (Brown, Haight, Widdifield, Randall, Wilson, Phinney) who had been loyal Friends in Canada3—Emma came from a theologically mixed, if not a theologically indifferent, home.

 

Charles Brown, Emma’s father, had been raised a Hicksite. Margaret Haight, Emma’s mother, was from an Orthodox Quaker home. Emma grew to maturity in an Irish Catholic neighborhood in a district once known as Ohio City, where she was valedictorian at West High School, which stood west of the Cuyahoga River in Cleveland.4

 

If it is not necessary to review Quaker support for women ministers for readers of Quaker History,5 it is noteworthy that at least three of Emma’s ancestors in the previous four generations had been ministers, and two of these ministers (Sara Haight and Martha Wilson Widdifield) were women.6 In short, even with the changes in the Friends, and in her own family, the ancient practice of women in ministry would remain firmly entrenched in Emma Brown Malone.

 

HOLINESS: In the 19th century, faith in instant and complete holiness grew out of Wesley’s doctrine of “Christian perfection”7 and entered the Society of Friends. Sometimes dated from Phoebe Palmer’s “day of days” in 1837, this “second blessing” of “sinless perfection” promised to fill believers with “perfect love” and usher them into “a state in which [the sanctified] no longer had any desire or propensity to sin”8

 

Holiness promoted gender equality, for moral perfection was open to all regardless of race, class, education or gender. Palmer encouraged believers to address one another in familial terms: “brother,” “sister.” She cited the “naked Word of God” as her authority to chastise those who think “they are doing God a service in putting a seal upon [women’s] lips which God has commanded to speak,”9 convinced the Salvation Army’s Catherine Booth that the Bible commanded women to preach, and persuaded B. T. Roberts to ordain women in the Free Methodist Church.10 To Holiness people, authority to proclaim God’s word came from the Bible and the Holy Spirit—not hierarchy, education, or gender. Historian Mark Noll calls Holiness “the most important factor in the emergence of women as public figures in the antebellum period.”11

 

MOODY’S EVANGELICALISM: In 1879 Emma Brown attended evangelistic meetings led by Dwight L. Moody at Ontario Street Tabernacle, also known as Doan Tabernacle, which was the largest auditorium in Cleveland.12 At first, Emma was displeased by Moody’s Christian orthodoxy: his focus on the deity of Christ, his assertion that “an infidel is one that does not believe in the inspiration of the Scriptures,”13 and his charge that “[a]ny religion that is not based on the atonement . . . is not acceptable to God.”14 Yet, she appreciated his opposition to “worldly amusements such as dancing, theater going and card-playing,”15 leadership by Afro-American pastors in his meetings,16 and the fact that Moody’s school in Chicago17 was racially integrated. She surely approved of Moody’s inclusion of Frances Willard and other women on his evangelistic team18 and the fact that Elizabeth Comstock preached from his pulpit in Chicago.19 After 1900 women from Moody’s school served as pastors in “a wide range of denominations.”20

 

CLEVELAND’S EVANGELICAL QUAKERS: In March, 1882, three years after her conversion under Moody, Emma visited Cleveland’s Friends Meeting to hear Esther Frame, a second cousin of President Grant, whom the Plain Dealer touted as a “peerless evangelist.”21 One year later Emma, with her mother, joined the meeting. Frame, the first woman minister whom Emma came to know, had become a Friend after a Methodist minister told her “it is all nonsense to think a woman called to preach.”22

 

Frame was followed by Dougan Clark, the “most intellectually polished leader” of Holiness Friends.23 Clark instructed Cleveland’s Friends from the fall of 1882 until January, 1884, when he became professor of Latin, Greek and Bible at Earlham College. Clark’s Holiness promised instant deliverance from all sin.24 His teaching on gender insisted “the obliteration of all inequality between sexes, in the work of the Lord, is an essential.”25 Two women ministers, Meribah Butler Farmer and Hannah Butler Tatum, belonged to the meeting. Both commonly wore Quaker bonnets. Emma Brown quickly became active in ministry. Within weeks after coming to the meeting she served as co-teacher with Walter Malone of a First Day School class, librarian of the meeting, where she authored lesson materials for students. Within two years the class had enrolled 500 children, most of whom were from economically disadvantaged families in Cleveland. She also served on committees to aid the destitute26 and promote temperance.27 In 1884, one year after joining the meeting, Emma went to Michigan as traveling companion of Lida G. Romick.28 Walter Robson, a British Friend, called Romick “almost, if not quite, the last of the great [Quaker] ministers of the 19th century.”29 Unlike Frame, Romick focused on the poor. In 1885 Emma was named as one of four members of a committee to oversee the meeting.30 In 1886 she married Walter Malone. In 1888 she became clerk of the meeting.31 In 1892 she was appointed Secretary of the 1897 Conference of Friends of America32 which, in 1902, became what is now Friends United Meeting. Also in 1892, she became a recorded minister and, as we already know, co-founded a Christian Workers’ Training School for Bible Study and Practical Methods of Work in Cleveland—a name that suggests the relationship the Malones saw between faithfulness to Scripture and faithfulness to evangelize and assist the poor.

 

After identifying with Cleveland’s Evangelical Friends, Emma displayed a special concern for the poor. She and Walter gave 10,000 meals to the urban poor in the school’s first year alone.33 She was Secretary and Treasurer of City Gospel Mission, and a Rescue Home for men at 456 Erie Street.34 She welcomed destitute persons whom Walter sometimes encountered on the street into her home. It was their practice to entertain them at dinner, give them a night’s lodging, and put them in touch with a social service agency equipped to meet their need.35

 

Emma’s ministries to women victimized by poverty, addiction, unwanted pregnancies, or incarceration included her work as president of the boards of two Rescue Homes for women, and participation with the Salvation Army in “rescue work” with women in the workhouse.36 Dr. Alice Butler provided medical care for mothers and for infants born at the Rescue Homes, where teachers from the Industrial Department of the Y.W.C.A. instructed the women in “various lines of work.”37 The Director of Charities for the city of Cleveland cited these works as an exemplary “manifestation of practical Christianity.”38

 

This focus of the Malones on the poor was not appreciated by all Friends. The father of a president of Bryn Mawr criticized them for focusing “only on . . . the poor and ignorant and uneducated, and those who are willing to accept anything and everything.”39 At least one gentleman complained the British Friend that, with converts from the “Holiness Band [and] Salvation Army,” he could no longer be “proud of my Quaker ancestry.”40

 

Bible Colleges: Environs for Equality

At the turn-of-the-century, Bible Colleges were at least as important as liberal arts colleges in advancing gender equality. Two of the first five Bible Colleges to appear in the United States in the later 19th century were for women only. Three were co-educational. Only one of the first five Bible Colleges was headed by a man.41 Private liberal arts colleges, if not Roman Catholic, were almost always founded and led by men.

 

Bible Colleges customarily began in cities where they evangelized and offered social and medical services to the poor: twenty hospitals were founded by women from Bible Colleges between 1888 and 1903.42 Liberal arts colleges were commonly located in small towns or affluent suburbs where, in the Classical tradition, they educated—mainly men—for academic excellence, and trained—principally women—school teachers. In contrast to the service mission of Bible colleges, liberal arts colleges focused on guarding students in loco parentis.

 

As a teacher, Emma used plain Quaker language, dressed in a modest fashion, yet modeled some non-traditional roles for women. She was co-pastor, with Walter Malone, of the Friends Church in Cleveland. She taught Old Testament classes at a co-educational school where many, but not all, students had completed a secondary school education, and some were college graduates. Five of the first seven teachers at this school were women.43 Emma shared the title “principal” with Walter form the founding seventy-five years before a woman headed a major American co- educational college or university.44

 

Women Ministers

As a birthright Friend, Emma’s role as a minister was in line with Quaker tradition. As an Evangelical Friend, the fact that early Friends grounded support for women ministers in the authority of Scripture made this heritage all the more credible. For Margaret Fell, the import of this Scriptural basis has been detected by Hugh Barbour. He notes that in Fell’s Women’s Speaking Justified, Proved and allowed by the Scriptures, all such as speak by the Spirit and Power of the Lord Jesus, the “whole argumentation [for women ministers] was biblical.”45 For Evangelical Friends, Scripture continued to be the supreme authority.

 

By 1907, at least seventy-six women associated with Cleveland’s Friends had been recorded (by Friends) or ordained (by other denominations) as ministers. While most students at the Cleveland school were regarded as simply Christian workers, by 1907 eight women from the Cleveland meeting46 and at least sixty-eight women from the Bible College were recognized as ministers:47 thirteen of these sixty-eight women from the first academic year.48 The first year alone produced more than twice the number of women recognized as ministers by any large denomination in North America at this time.49

 

A study of these first thirteen women ministers is beyond my research, yet at least four of these engaged in the same sort of activities as Emma Malone: pastors, evangelists, teachers, administrators, workers with the poor. Esther Baird and Delia Fistler went to India, where they preached, engaged in famine relief, built a hospital, schools50 and an orphanage. Four years after they arrived in India, the Children’s Refuge was caring for “over 360 orphans, young widows, and cast-off wives [including] several little girls not more than 12 years old.”51

 

The remaining two women, Susie Norris Fitkin and Mary Soule Ellyson, joined with others to found the Church of the Nazarene, one of the larger Holiness denominations. Fitkin served twenty-four years on the General Board of that denomination52 and thirty-three years (1915–48) as founding president of their Women’s Foreign Missionary Society. In 1924 she founded Fitkin Memorial Hospital in Swaziland in southern Africa. By 1930 this hospital was treating 30,000 patients a year, had “graduated a class of nurses and was promoting the acceptance of native South Africans into medical schools without discrimination on account of their race.”53 Fitkin also founded Bible Training Schools in China and Lebanon.54

 

Ellyson was the first woman to pastor a Nazarene Church in the South. This was at Peniel, near Greenville, Texas. Founded by a graduate of Oberlin, Peniel’s constitution declared “the impelling force [for government] should be love” and only penalty for lawbreaking “the expressed disapprobation of the community.”55

 

In 1897 Ellyson taught in the Bible Training Department at the Friends Academy in LeGrande, Iowa, and after this at a Christian Workers Training School that her husband, Edgar P. Ellyson, founded in Marshalltown in 1899.56 From 1906–11 she taught Bible, homiletics and Christian evidences at what is now Southern Nazarene University in Oklahoma.57 After this, she was Academic Dean at what is now Point Loma Nazarene College in San Diego from 1911–13,58 Dean of the School of Theology at what is now Olivet Nazarene College in Illinois from 1913–15,59 and professor of theology at what is now Trevecca Nazarene College in Nashville from 1917–21.60 8000 students are now enrolled in these institutions.

 

By 1907 at least thirty-two of Emma’s women students worked in rescue missions in the United States. Many, but not all, of these women were ministers.61 Outside the United States, at least fourteen women who studied under Emma before 1900 worked in missions, training schools and orphanages.62 One of these, Elizabeth Wittman Price, taught the first Brazilaian bishop of the Methodist Church.

 

Periodicals published by the Malones had little to say about women ministers.63 While three of these, the Bible Student, Soul-Winner and Evangelical Friend, offered almost no defense of women ministers, it seems fair to suspect that this silence speaks, for it suggests that gender in ministry was not an issue with these Friends. The only support for women ministers came from Walter Malone, who based his argument on Biblical texts, not Quaker tradition. If Walter saw recruiting women into ministry as an evangelistic tool or return to primitive Christianity, rather than a gender issue, he nevertheless could make a case from Scripture for what, to us, might sound like “affirmative action”: “We are asking the Lord in this day to raise up an [sic] host more of young women [emphasis added] to publish the Word He giveth, for He has called them and arranged for them and expects them.”64

 

Another Malone publication, the Christian Worker, asserted that Quaker growth “during the last quarter of a century [is due] . . . largely . . . to the preaching of women.”65 To historian Carole Spender, this “claim could not have been voiced at any previous era in Quaker history other than its beginnings and probably has not been heard since.”66 Nearly all these women, of course, were Evangelical Friends.

 

Gender Issues: Family, Suffrage, Abortion

One further indication that gender equality was more a reality than an issue for turn-of-the- century Evangelical Friends is the absence of any substantive difference between issues addressed by men and women. Evangelism and holy living were foremost in the minds of these Friends. Most articles by both genders dealt with religious themes, yet some women blamed men for victimizing women through prostitution.67

 

One exception to gender equality appears in an article by William Smith, editor of the Soul- Winner, who employed Scripture to support the traditional patriarchal family. He explained that “the family should always be conducted according to the judgment of the father”—even when the mother is the “better judge,” and in spite of his assertion that women’s “spiritual discernment” is superior to that of men.68 In practice, Emma and Walter sought “spiritual discernment” through prayer independently of each other. I know of no instance where they made a decision until both were agreed.

 

On suffrage, Malone publications gave stronger support to extending the vote to women than did the Friends Review,69 an Orthodox Quaker journal published in Philadelphia. On education, these Evangelical Friends supported the right of women to a “liberal [arts] education” in co-educational colleges.70 Philadelphia’s Orthodox Friends educated the sexes at separate colleges: Haverford and Bryn Mawr.71

 

On abortion, it should be remembered that turn-of-the-century Quakers opposed all killing. The Bible Student counseled “army and navy men who want to serve God, in the power of the Holy Spirit [to] Get out. Get out.”72 The Soul-Winner called suicide “self-murder”73 and capital punishment “willful murder.”74 To the Soul-Winner, abortion was “deliberate murder” or “prenatal infanticide.”75

 

The strong opposition of these Friends to “prenatal infanticide” coincides with the view of another Quaker, Susan B. Anthony, who labeled abortion-inducing drugs “broths of Beelzebub” and abortion a “horrible crime of child-murder,” a “dreadful deed,” a “most monstrous crime.” At the same time, Anthony opposed criminal penalties against mothers for abortion. The man who exploits a woman for his own gratification, she explained, is “the real murderer.”76

 

If, for Anthony, opposition to “child murder” was a gender issue rooted in a heart-felt maternal instinct to protect one’s own child, it may also have been seen as a class issue for the Malones. In this era in which elites were influenced by Social Darwinism, eugenics, and bourgeois individualism, the Soul-Winner may have been quite perceptive when it noted that it is America’s “cultured and refined [classes, not the poor] who favor abortion.”77

 

Mother of Feminism?

As to Margaret Bacon’s claim to Emma as a “mother of feminism,” Emma’s right to this distinction will depend upon our definition of the elusive and evolving word “feminism.” The best answers may be “no” and “yes.”

 

If feminism favors “abortion rights,” “safe sex,” or “sexual liberation,” Emma was no “mother” of this agenda. Bourgeois thinking about “rights” or individualism did not represent mindset of the Malones, whose focus on service or rescuing the needy was more attuned to the mindset of early Christians than to a Greco-Roman—or Anglo-American—social elite. They stridently opposed all violence, even football and prize fighting, worked to reclaim women from “impurity,” safe or unsafe, and restore them to sexual abstinence. Emma’s Victorian sort of innocence, or “sexual purity” was, at most, only faintly compromised when Walter dared to confess to her, on the eve of their marriage, the ecstacy he felt at the mere touch of her hand.

 

If feminism requires working for gender-empowerment, the credibility of her claim to be a “mother of feminism” may depend on our angle of vision. As a leader, Emma was at least co- equal with Walter: she was the major decision-maker at the school78 and the real leader of the board of the Friends Africa Industrial Mission which established Quakerism in Kenya. Yet, students did not go to Bible Colleges to train to be leaders. Words common to the Malones, Holiness Christians and 19th century Evangelicals— “surrender,” “yield,” “submit”—teach mutual submission to God and to a rigorous moral code. A proper symbol for servant-like equality is not a flying banner or clenched fist. It is a bent knee, or a prostration before God and neighbor. In our day, terms like “leadership” are as much in fashion with Evangelical periodicals, seminaries and colleges as with feminists. In contrast, service was the goal of the Malones.

 

Finally, the gender-inclusive credo embodied in Emma Malone was shared by Holiness people (Salvation Army), D. L. Moody, reform-minded women’s organizations (W.C.T.U.-Alice Malone Terrell, Walter’s sister, was director of Sunday School work for the WCTU in Ohio) and this small Cleveland school that equipped both genders for ministry and social service. In this sense, Margaret Bacon is surely correct in naming Emma Malone as a Quaker “mother of feminism.” This Quaker-Holiness-Evangelical sort of feminism did not call women to ministry, politics and social service for empowerment, but to save souls, rescue persons in distress, sanctify marriage, promote sexual purity and protect human life.

 

With her modest dress, dignified bearing, “proper” manners, Emma appeared to be a conventional, strait-laced, middle class Victorian lady. Yet, her leadership in training women ministers, her lack of class, gender or race prejudice, her opposition to lethal violence and works to protect the vulnerable79 affirm her to be a nurturing mother for a type of feminism that, in addition to its ethical components, represents what Hugh Barbour calls “the strength of Quakerism from its beginning [which] was its treatment of women, not as a special group, not even as equals, but simply as people.”80

 

Notes

1 Margaret Hope Bacon, Mothers of Feminism: The Story of Quaker Women in America (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1986), 232.

 

2 Joan Tyler of Bristol was imprisoned in 1660 for refusing to take an oath. Henry Comley of Bedminster was jailed in 1664 for attending Quaker worship. See George Norwood Comly, Comly Family in America: Descendants of Henry and Joan Comly Who Came to America in 1682 from Bedminster, Somersetshire, England. (Philadelphia: Lippencott, 1939), 3–13. Henry married Joan 1673. They came to America in 1682, settled seven miles south of Doylestown in Bucks County, and joined Middletown Meeting.

 

3 For Emma’s quaker ancestry see John Oliver, “Emma Brown Malone: Background and Implanting Quakerism in Kenya,” The Canadian Quaker History Journal, No. 61 (Spring 1997), 17–26. Emma’s ancestors were leaders at Pickering, Whitchurch and Pine Orchard, four miles from Newmarket. Emma’s grandfather, Ira Brown, was a brother of Nicholas Brown, the friend and ally of Elias Hicks.

 

4 Emma was technically a birthright Friend, because her mother kept her membership with the Friends. Emma and her mother joined the Cedar Avenue meeting in February 1883, Margaret was received by certificate from Pickering Monthly Meeting.

 

5 To 17th century Quakers, it was “unlawful to forbid women to preach.” See William Sewel, The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People Called Quakers (Philadelphia: Friends Book Store, 1856), Vol. 2, 116–117. Sewel asserted that to the Friends “it [is] unlawful to forbid such women to preach whom the Lord has so gifted, and who are of a godly life and conversation; since it appears sufficiently that in the primitive church they were not debarred from that service.” Sewel was a 17th-century Quaker historian. See also Samuel Tuke, Selections from the Epistles of George Fox (Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1879), 144–145, cited in “Ministry of Women in the society of Friends, 4–5. For other treatments of this subject by Fox see Concerning Sons and Daughters and Prophetesses speaking and Prophesying (London, M. W., n.d.), The Woman Learning in silence: or, the Mysterie of the Woman’s Subjection to Her Husband (London, n.p., 1656) For the holy Women that trust in God and do profess Godliness, n.p. [1686], and especially Fox’s Station of Women in the Church, 1676, in Selections from the Epistles, 169–188. To Quakers, ministers were Spirit led preachers rather than dispensers of sacraments that began with Christ and His apostles. Fox argued that women served as judges (Deborah) and prophetesses (Miriam, Huldah and Anna) in Israel and head been disciples, elders, “instructors,” prophetesses and “the first preachers of Christ’s resurrection to the disciples.” See also Robert Barclay, Truth Triumphant, Barclay’s Works (New York: Benjamin C. Stanton, 1831, Vol. 2, 328. Barclay also made the pragmatic point the “God hath . . . converted many souls by the ministry of women . . .; which manifest experience puts the thing beyond controversy.”

 

6 The third minister was Henry Widdifield (January 1743–1804). For Sarah Haight see Arthur Dorland, A History of the Society of Friends in Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1927), 75–76.

 

7 Mark Noll, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1992), 181.

 

8 The Transformation of American Quakerism, 77.

 

9 Phoebe Palmer, Promise of th Father; or A Neglected Specialty of the Last Days. Addressed to the Clergy and Laity of all Christian Communities (Salem, OH: Walter C. Palmer, 1859), 7.

 

10 Roberts wrote Ordaining Women in 1891. His arguments were based upon his exegesis of Scripture. For Roberts see No Time for Silence, 103–104.

 

11 Mark A. Noll, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdman’s, 1992), 181. For a similar view of connections between revivalism and feminism see Donald W. Dayton, Discovering an Evangelical Heritage (N.Y.: Harper and Row, 1976), 85–98. To Dayton, “modern revivalism gave birth to the women’s rights movement” and Evangelicalism “next to Quakerism has given the greatest role to women in the life of the church.” For connections between gender views of early Evangelical Friends and the Holiness movement see Carole D. Spencer, “Evangelicalism, Feminism, and Social Reform: The Quaker Woman Minister and the Holiness Revival,” Quaker History, Vol. 80 (Spring 1991), No. 1, 24–48. To Spencer, “one of the most consistent themes [in 19th-century Holiness] was the ministry of women.” For contributions of Evangelicalism to gender equality see Winthrop S. Hudson, “Evangelical Religion and Women’s Liberation in the Nineteenth Century,” in The Influence of Quaker Women on American History: Bibliographical Studies, Religion in America Series, Vol. 21, edited by Carol and John Stoneburner (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen, 1986), 191–201.

 

12 Moody was commended by the Plain Dealer for “religious teachings [that] are of the kind to win hearts rather than to terrify sinners.” Plain Dealer, Monday, October 6, 1879, 1. At the same time, the editors were offended by the “commonness” of his preaching: “One cannot listen to him five minutes without being convinced of Mr. Moody’s illiterateness. We wonder he does not prefect himself in at least the rudiments of rhetoric and speech. A little schooling like that would increase his force even as a public speaker.” Plain Dealer, Tuesday, October 7, 1879, 2. Moody’s meetings began on October 5, 1879, and lasted five weeks. Emma was converted in November, on the last night of the meetings.

 

13 Plain Dealer, Tuesday, October 28, 1879, 1.

 

14 Moody asserted “there is not a more precious doctrine [than the atonement] in the whole Bible from Genesis to Revelation.” Plain Dealer, Tuesday, October 29, 1879, 1. He continued with this theme on the following evening when he spoke on “The Precious Blood.”

 

15 John Oliver, ed., J Walter Malone, The Autobiography of an Evangelical Quaker (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1993), 45–46.

 

16 The Plain Dealer, Friday, October 10, 1879, 4 reported that “Rev. T. H. Jackson, of the African M. E. Church, offered a devout prayer.” The tabernacle was also the site of a “colored camp meeting” in August 1879. See the Plain Dealer, August 16, 1879, 1. In addition, Moody also strongly condemned alcohol and also the opium trade with China. See the Plain Dealer, Saturday, October 11, 1879, 1. In Emma’s mind, her conversion to revivalistic evangelical Protestantism came when, after a tortuous inner struggle, she spoke the words, “Well, Lord, if I must, I will. I do. I ask for forgiveness in the name of Jesus Christ.” The reality of her conversion was confirmed by “an incoming of light that never left a doubt in her heart, [so that] she began to sing the dear old song, ‘Hallelujah, ‘tis done. I believe on the Son. I’m saved by the blood of the crucified one.'” J. Walter Malone: The Autobiography of an Evangelical Quaker, 47. To revivalistic evangelicals, salvation was commonly understood as taking place at the moment when one requested “forgiveness in the name of Jesus” rather than—as with earlier Friends—as a process that required holy living and in which believers would have been cautioned against both presumption and despair. Thomas Hamm, The Transformation of American Quakerism. Orthodox Friends, 1800–1907 (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1992), 20. While not at first telling her parents that she had “accepted Christ,” her mother detected what had happened by “her song and lighted face and joyful spirit.” See J. Walter Malone, 47.

 

17 One of the first Afro-Americans at Moody Bible Institute was Mary McLeod Bethune, who studied there from 1895–1896. See Janette Hassey, No Time for Silence: Evangelical Women in Public Ministry Around the Turn of the Century (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1986), 227.

 

18 No Time for Silence, 33, 108. On one occasion, when Willard asked Moody if her preaching might offend persons who opposed women preachers, Moody insisted that she go ahead and preach because “it was just what they needed.” See Nancy A. Hardesty, Women Called to Witness: Evangelical Feminism in the 19th Century (Nashville: Abingdon, 1984), 20.

 

19 Caroline Hare, Life and Letters of Elizabeth L. Comstock (London: Headley Brothers, 1895), 333. Comstock, a Quaker, noted in 1874 that Moody “has been a friend of mine for eight years, and in Chicago I have used his pulpit several times.”

 

20 Two of the earliest women ministers to graduate from the Moody Bible Institute were Rose A. Lizenby, 1903, who was ordained in the Congregational Church in Wheaton, Kansas, and Bertha Fogelberg, 1905, who pastored a United Brethren Church and was ordained in 1912. For other examples see No Time for Silence, 40–41.

 

21 Reminiscences of Nathan T. and Esther G. Frame, 303–304.

 

22 Nathan T. Frame, Reminiscences of Nathan T. and Esther G. Frame (Cleveland: Britton, 1970), 38.

 

23 Richard Eugene Wood, “Evangelical Quakers in the Mississippi Valley, 1854–1894.” Ph.D. diss. University of Minnesota. 1985, 163–164.

 

24 For a comparison of the Wesleyan and the more moderate Keswick traditions of holiness see Everett L. Cattell, “An Appraisal of the Keswick and Wesleyan Contemporary Positions,” in Insights into Holiness: Discussions of Holiness by Fifteen Leading Scholars of the Wesleyan Persuasion, edited by Kenneth Geiger (Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill, 1962), 263–280. Cattell was a successor to Emma and Walter Malone as pastor of the First Friends Church in Cleveland and as president of Malone College from 1960–1972.

 

25 Dougan Clark, M.D., “Women’s Work,” Friends Missionary Advocate, Vol. 5 (March 1889), 33–34.

 

26 “Minutes of Cleveland Monthly Meeting,” Sixth Month, thirteenth day, 1883, 7.

 

27 Cleveland Minutes, Twelfth Month, twelfth day, 1883, 15.

 

28 Cleveland Minutes, Tenth Month, fifteenth day, 1884, 25. Emma Brown accompanied Romick in 1884 in meetings within Adrian Quarterly Meeting in Michigan.

 

29 The British Friend (London), Vol. 70 (1930), 35–36, cited in Edwin B. Bronner, ed., An English View of American Quakerism: The Journal of Walter Robson (1842–1929) Written During the Fall of 1877, While Traveling among American Friends (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1970), 4. Robson attended several of Romick’s meetings in a “mission room in a low part of Brooklyn” where, he says, he received a “wonderful blessing from the Lord.”

 

30 Cleveland Minutes, Fourth Month, fifteenth day, 1885. The other members were James Farmer, Meribah Farmer, and James Malone.

 

31 Cleveland Minutes, Fifth Month, seventeenth day, 1888, 95.

 

32 Proceedings of the Conference of Friends of America Held in Indianapolis, Indiana, 1897 (Philadelphia: The American Friend, 1898), 41.

 

33 Minutes of the Eighty-First Ohio Yearly Meeting of the Friends Church, Held at Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, 1893 (Columbus, Ohio: Nitschke, 1893), 31.

 

34 Soul-Winner, Vol. 1, No. 45 (November 6, 1902), 5??. The Rescue mission was founded in 1902. The purpose of the home was to “rescue the fallen, put them into lines of usefulness and self support and instruct those needing it in industrial lines: also to have a sort of daily Bible school in connection with the mission.” Soul-Winner, Vol. 1, No. 42 (October 16, 1902), 500. James Cooley was appointed to superintend the work, with H. D. Crane acting as business manager and Mr. McCutcheon and his wife living at the mission and having charge of the industrial work.

 

35 I have heard stories of Walter Malone bringing destitute people he met on the street into his home from descendants of Walter and Emma Malone, Levi Harrison and Carolyn Quale Malon and Hezekiah Pennington and Emma Hart Malone. I appreciate this opportunity to get this oral history into written form.

 

36 Soul-Winner, Vol. 2, No. 8 (February 19, 1903), 92. The property was a “large roomy house with all modern improvements” at 180 Arlington Street, According to the Soul-Winner, “[God] answered in a remarkable way by leading Rev. W. H. Kennedy, agent of Grace Mission Association, who desired to found such a home, to come to Cleveland to examine this property. The result was Mr. Kennedy bought the property, and articles of agreement being duly signed, the property came into the hands of a managing board,” which also included Mrs. Elizabeth G. Underhill, Vice-President; Miss Charlotte M. Duty, Secretary and treasurer; Mrs. H. M. Terrell, Mrs. Alexander Larkin, Dr. Alice Butler and Miss Lou E. Beatty. See also Soul-Winner, Vol. 2, No. 19 (May 7, 1903), 276–277.

 

37 Soul-Winner, Vol. 2, No. 17 (April 23, 1903), 203. The second Hebron Home had three stories and thirteen rooms. By August, 1903, the Hebron Homes has secured a matron, Miss E. Senman from Washington, D.C., who had worked in rescue homes for girls in other cities, and Miss Inga Patterson of Chicago to secure “inmates” for the home. Patterson’s precious experience was in this work with the Salvation Army. Soul-Winner, Vol. 2, No. 34 (August 20, 1903), 404. By December, 1904, There were six girls in the home. “As fast as they get saved or fully recovered themselves, we find them homes or send them back to their own people. Soul- Winner, Vol. 3, No. 48 (December 1, 1904), 764. This home, which was “for girls needing quiet surroundings,” was founded in April, 1903, and located “in the country, about fifty miles from Cleveland.”

 

38 Soul-Winner, Vol. 2, No. 27 (July 2, 1903), 323. At the dedication of the Hebron Home, Rev. Harris R. Cooley, Director of Charities of Cleveland, delivered “an eloquent plea for better conditions for the working girls to prevent much of the evil which rescue homes aim to remedy.” He commended the home as a “manifestation of practical Christianity” and criticized social conditions that made such homes necessary:

 

We must not only cool the brow of the fevered patient, but if possible we must find the cause which produces the fever. My own experience as Director of Charities during the past two years has forced me to the conviction that our present industrial and social conditions are driving many to lives of shame. According to a State Report based upon investigation in the three large cities of Ohio, the average wage for the women workers is $4.83, while the average cost of living is $5.24 per week. In most cases, it is not the love of sin, but the awful pressure of circumstances which drives young women from the path of rectitude.

 

39 Proceedings of the Conference of Friends of America, 337. Dr. M. Carey Thomas was president of Bryn Mawr.

 

40 British Friend, Vol. 3 (Second Month, 1894), 33.

 

41 The first Bible Institute in America, the Women’s Baptist Missionary Training School, was established in Chicago in 1881 by the Women’s American Baptist Home Mission Society. See Janette Hassey, No Time for Silence: Evangelical Women in Public Ministry Around the Turn of the Century (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1986), 12–13. Moody Bible Institute was founded in 1883 by Dwight Moody and Emma Dryer. In 1885 the Chicago Training School for City, Home, and Foreign Missions was founded by Lucy Ryder Meyer and the Union Missionary Training School in Niagara Falls, New York, by Lucy Drake Osborne. Only Nyack, 1883, was founded by a man: Albert B. Simpson. The Women’s Baptist Missionary Training School and the Chicago Training School, founded in 1889 (now Gordon College) were co-educational. For Bible institutes see also Virginia Lieson Brereton, Training God’s Army: The American Bible School 1880–1940 (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1990). Brereton makes no mention of Emma or Walter Malone.

 

42 Madeleine Sweeny Miller, New Testament Women and Problems of Today (New York: Methodist Book Concern, 1926), 164.

 

43 Martilla Cox came from Earlham College. Lida Gressell Romick taught evangelism or urban missions, Sarah Osmond from Oregon assisted Romick. Sarah L. Andrews taught grammar. Eli Reese taught music and evangelism. Following the resignation of Cox, Walter Malone taught the New Testament and Emma the Old Testament.

 

44 The Women’s Book of World Records and Achievements, edited by Louise Decker O’Neill (N.Y.: Anchor/Doubleday, 1979), 406. In 1967 Mary L. Gambrell became president of Hunter College of the City University of New York.

 

45 Hugh Barbour, “Quaker Prophetesses and Mothers in Israel,” in The Influence of Quaker Women on American History. Biographical Studies, edited by Carol and John Stoneburner. Vol. 21 in Studies in Women and Religion. (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen, 1986), 62. As seen by one scholar, Fell’s book was “the first book . . . by a woman since the Reformation to argue the case for spiritual equality of men and women.” Margaret Hope Bacon, As the Way Opens: The Story of Quaker Women in America (Richmond, IN: Friends United, 1980), 8. Elizabeth Luder Hope, Women and Quakerism (Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill, 1977), 11, calls Margaret Fell Fox the “co-leader and co-interpreter” of early Quakerism.

 

46 Meribah Butler Farmer, May Humphries, Emma Brown Malone, Mary Ann Pennington Malone, Lena Obethier, Elizabeth Price, Hannah Butler Tatum and Bessie Wagner.

 

47 Anna Armitage (Mendenhall), Anna Arnold (Rugg), Adella Bailey (Bowser), Minnie F. Bassett, Florence Edna Brown, Nellie Milner Brown, Marguerite Carter, Rosa Shepherd Carter, Edna Hill Chilson, Belle Cook, Martilla Cox, Mary A. Cox, Lizzie M. Dennis (Leggett), Anna Draper, Fannie Elliot, Mary Emily Soule Ellyson, Esther J. Emery, Exie Estes, Helen M. Farr (Ford), Hannah A. Fogg, Grace M. Foster, Mary W. Gifford, Adelaide G. Hadley, Estella Hammond, Mina L. Harkness, Belle Harrington (Babcock), Jennie Hicks, Lydia M. Hoath, Maude M. Hoskins, Mattie Martha Humphries, Irena Hunnicutt, Florence H. Johns, Ida Mildred Johnson, Lucy Johnson, Ruth Anna Joyce, Jennie Edna, Kirby, Anna K. Kitch, Alice C. Lawrence, Mary Effie Lawrence, Anna Sands Leggett, Katherine Margaret Link, Frances Liter, Deborah W. Maris, Gertrude Moon, Mary Emily Soule Moore, Susie Norris (Fitkin), Mary Thomasson Ong, Elva P. Osborne, Jessie Petty, Lizzie White Phillips, Mary Barrett Pim (Reynolds), Bertha T. Pinkham (Dixon), Emma Farland Randolph, Ida A. Ryon (Niles), Viola Smith, Belle H. Smoot, Anna Spann, Mary M. Strobel (Stroup), Lurana M. Terrell, Golda E. Thompson, Henrietta Titus, Elizabeth Wagar (Ward), Florence N. Wheeler, Anna E. White, Pearl Williams, Minnie E. Winslow, Elizabeth Whitman (Price) and Cora E. Yeagle. I have placed their married names in parentheses for those students who married after leaving the school in Cleveland.

 

48 Minnie Bassett, Esthert E. Baird, Florence E. Brown, Martilla Cox, Lizzie M. Dennis (later Leggett), Esther J. Emery, Delia Fistler, Estella Hammond, Belle Harrington (later Babcock), Mary Emily Moore, Susie Norris (later Fitkin), Mary Emily Soule from Canada (later Ellyson) and Ida A. Ryon. Cox briefly taught at the school, but resigned to become a student during the first semester. Eleven men from the first year’s class were also recorded as ministers.

 

49 Christian Worker, Vol. 21 (Sixth Month 25, 1891), 410. Congregationalists had six ordained women ministers.

 

50 Merrill M. Coffin, Friends in Bundelkhand, India. A Brief History: 1896–1926 (Mysore City, India: Wesleyan Mission, 1926).

 

51 The Malone Story, 100.

 

52 W. T. Purkiser, Called Unto Holiness, Vol. 2. The Second Twenty-Five Years, 1933–58 (Kansas City, MO: Nazarene Publishing House, 1983), 219. Shortly after joining Cleveland’s Friends, Susie Norris became “seriously ill with cancer. She was anointed and prayed for by J. Walter and Emma B. Malone, and it pleased the Lord to answer prayer and heal her.” See a memorial to Rev. Susie Norris Fitkin by the Board of Trustees of Cleveland Bible College, October 31st, 1951 in the Malone College Archives. Norris’ term on the General Board was longer than that of any other person.

 

53 Timothy L. Smith, Called Unto Holiness. The Story of the Nazarenes: The Formative Years (Kansas City, MO: Nazarene Publishing House, 1962), 242, 343.

 

54 Timothy L. Smith, Called Unto Holiness, Vol. 2, 219, 279. The Fitkin Memorial Nazarene Bible School is located in Beirut, Lebanon.

 

55 Timothy L. Smith, Called Unto Holiness, Vol. 1, 165.

 

56 Soul-Winner, Vol. 1, No. 18 (May 1, 1902), 210; also Vol. 1, No. 51 (December 18, 1902), 608. Mrs Ellyson Taught at the Iowa Training School from 1898–1906. For further materials on Mary Emily Soule Ellyson see Ethel Westmark Bailey, That’s Enough for Me: The Story of E. P. Ellyson (Kansas City, MO: Nazarene Publishing House, 1976).

 

57 Lyle Everette Akers, “The Life and Works of E. P. and M. Emily Ellyson,” Thesis. Nazarene Theological Seminary, 1953, 118–119. Southern Nazarene University is now located in Bethany, Oklahoma. The School was founded as Texas Holiness University in 1899 with twenty-seven students at Peniel, Texas. In 1906, when the Ellysons arrived, there were 340 students at the school.

 

58 Pacific Bible College was founded in 1902 in Los Angeles, where it later became Deets Pacific Bible College. It moved to Pasadena in 1912 where it successively became Nazarene University, Pasadena University and, in 1933, Pasadena College. It is now called Point Loma Nazarene College. For Pasadena College see James Proctor Knott, History of Pasadena College (Pasadena: Pasadena College, 1960). In 1993 the college had an enrollment of 2,450 students.

 

59 Illinois Holiness University began in 1909 at Olivet, Illinois, fourteen miles south of Danville, In 1912 the school became Olivet University and in 1933 it became Olivet College.

 

60 Ellyson taught theology at Southeastern Nazarene College at Donaldsville, Georgia, from 1917–21. For Trevecca see Mildred Bangs Wynkoop, The Trevecca Story (Nashville: Trevecca College, 1976).

 

61 Louise Allen, Belle Bayard, Mattie Bowles, Nellie A. Cady, Rhoda A. Canaday, Nellie M. Chapin, Anna Draper, Anna Fistler, Grace M. Foster, Myra E. Graves, Lydia M. Hoath, Maude A. Hoskins, Anna Hunter, Frances Liter, Emma Malone, Lulu Morris, Lillie A. Paige-Branson, Lizzie White Phillips, Edith M. Ransome, Lida Romick, Sadie Russell, Nellie R. Southwick, Mary Strobel-Stroup, Anna L. Thompson, Golda E. Thompson, Elizabeth G. Underhill, Elizabeth Wager Ward, Cristena Wesner, Belle Whallon, Carrie Whallon, Lena Winkel, Mary Worrell. See the Soul-Winner, Vol. 1, 18 (May 1, 1902), 210.

 

62 Alsona M. Andrews (Jamaica), Florence Baker (Jamaica), Anna V. Edgerton and Esther Emery (Brazil, Emery with indigenous people), Helen Farr Ford (Jamaica, South Africa, East Africa), Alice Herr (India, pioneering work for the Christian and Missionary Alliance in Bombay), Sarah A. Lindley (Mexico), Francis Liter (Alaska), Clara Morgan (Mexico), Elizabeth Wittman Price (Brazil), Lena Winkel (East Africa, as superintendent of a girls home in Danville sponsored by the Radical Brethren), A. Ellen Woody (Cuba), Alice C. Wood (Venezuela).

 

63 There is little material by or about Mrs. Malone or about Quaker women ministers in the 19th and 20th centuries, except for Carole D. Spencer, “Evangelicalism, Feminism and Social Reform: The Quaker Woman Minister and the Holiness Revival,” Quaker History, Vol. 80, No. 1 (Spring 1991), 24–48. For 17th century Quaker women ministers see Judith Middleton Applegate and Mary Garman, eds., Hidden in Plain Sight: Quaker Women’s Writings, 1650–1700 (Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill, 1995); Christine Trevett, Women and Quakerism in the Seventeenth Century (York, England: Ebor Press, 1991); Pendle Hill Pamphlet 227 by Robert J. Leach, Women Ministers: A Quaker contribution (Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill, 1990). For the 18th century see Margaret Hope Bacon, Wilt Thou Go On My Errand: Journals of Three Eighteenth Century Quaker Women Ministers (Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill, 1994). The “Women and 20th Century Protestantism” project, based at Andover Newtown Theological School, funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts and directed by Virginia Lieson Brereton and Margaret Lamberts Bendroth is focusing on “recent institutional advances of women in Protestant denominations,” with special attention to the “dramatic accumulation of power by 19th-century women’s missionary and social reform organizations” and on the “decades of the 1890s, 1920s, and 1950s.”

 

64 J. Walter Malone, “Let Women Keep Silence in the Churches,” Evangelical Friend (July 16, 1908), 452–453. Malone argues that in Acts 2:17—which he calls “the magna charter of the Christian church”—women were instructed to preach, that Philip had four daughters who preached (Acts 21:8–9) and Phebe was the minister at Cenchrea (Romans 16:1).

 

65 Christian Worker, 16:66, cited in “Evangelism, Feminism and Social Reform,” 32.

 

66 “Evangelism, Feminism and Social Reform: The Quaker Women Ministers and the Holiness Revived,” Quaker History, Vol. 80, No. 1 (Spring 1991), 32.

 

67 For a discussion of this topic see a paper by Amy Elizabeth Ebert, “Issues Addressed by Women in the Evangelical Quaker Publication the Soul-Winner 1902–1905,” April 1992. A copy of this paper is in the Malone College Archives. Articles by women dealt with salvation, Christian virtues, healing, exegesis, Sunday Schools, children, alcohol and the end times. Emma wrote about “God a Rewarder,” “Hidden Sin” and advised Christian women to marry Christian men.

 

68 Soul-Winner, Vol. 3 (1904), 227, 233–34.

 

69 Spencer, 30–31.

 

70 Soul-Winner, Vol. 3 (1904), 797.

 

71 Haverford, the first Quaker college in the United States, was founded for men in 1833. Bryn Mawr was established in 1885 after the Board of Managers at Haverford ignored a unanimous recommendation from the faculty that women be admitted to the college. In contrast, Swarthmore, the Hicksite college, was coeducational from its earliest days.

 

72 The Bible Student, Vol. 27 (August 1897), No. 8, 2–3. In Malone’s view, no “warrior” can “be living under the control of the Holy Spirit.”

 

73 Soul-Winner, Vol. 3 (1904), 82.

 

74 Soul-Winner, Vol. 3 (1904), 273.

 

75 Soul-Winner, Vol. 1 (1902), 209; Soul-Winner, Vol. 1 (1902), 410–411; Soul-Winner, Vol. 2 (1903), 566–567.

 

76 Susan B. Anthony, The Revolution, Vol. 4, No. 1 (July 8, 1869), 4. In addition, The Revolution refused to advertise patent medicines because they were sometimes used as abortificants, which were called in an editorial statement “broths of Beelzebub.” (“Restellianism [after Madame Restell, a prominent abortionist] has long been found in these broths of Beelzebub, its securest hiding place.”) See “What the Press Says Of Us,” The Revolution, Vol. 3, No. 14 (April 8, 1869), 221.

 

77 Soul-Winner, Vol. 2 (1903), 424.

 

78 Byron L. Osborne, Personal interviews from 1988–1992. Osborn was son-in-law of Walter and Emma Malone and a president of Cleveland Bible College and Malone College. Also, Harold Smith, personal interview, March 25, 1989. Smith, who graduated from Cleveland Bible Institute in 1923—six years after the retirement of Emma and Walter Malone—based his impressions on stories he heard while a student at the school. A transcript of the Smith interview is in the archives at Malone College.

 

79 The ethic of the Malones on war, capital punishment and abortion survived in the Malone family, at least for one more generation. It was maintained by Byron and Ruth Malone Osborne. Dr. Byron Osborne was the first president of Malone College.

 

80 Hugh Barbour, “Quaker Prophetesses and Mothers in Israel,” in The Influence of Quaker Women on American History, 57.

 

“Emma Brown Malone: A Mother of Feminism?” Quaker History: The Bulletin of Friends Historical Association, Vol. 88, 4–12.

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